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Sunday, March 2, 2014

The Challenge to Educate Children to Understand Human Freedom and his/her Society


Marjorie P. Garcia

 

Instructor, MMSU-College of Arts and Sciences

PhD Development Management Student

Divine Word College of Laoag
 
 
 
 
Abstract:       
           The need to educate children about the right concept of human freedom is very essential for them to better understand the meaning of freedom. Freedom is not absolute.
Human freedom is based on a person’s free will and rationality. It can also be equated or differentiated from what we call animal freedom. From this freedom, man has the capacity to control of their actions which is now his ability to direct his actions based on his wants which is intended for human improvement/development. Freedom is not exercised in the vacuum but in the social context.
 Keywords: human freedom, free wills, absolute freedom, animal freedom.
 
Introduction
In social and political ethics, we can speak of the following as elements of genuine progress: sound state of physical and mental health in society as a whole; sufficient degree of education and schooling of its members; opportunities of work for all; favorable conditions of religious, moral, and cultural life; the good of social justice; real freedom; and equality among men.  It is very evident that our country, the Philippines, falls very short for these qualifications, and, hence, cannot be considered as progressive in these lines.  This has been a very disturbing fact in many generations already so much so that its reality has been unconsciously—perhaps—accepted by the people that very few really pursue change.  The deterioration has been a common place situation that it has been considered the standard for normal Filipino everydayness.  This Filipino existential hopelessness is reflected in the proliferation of human labor as commodity to foreign services—“brain” and “brawn” drain.   
More disturbing, therefore, is the fact that people don’t bother to change at all.  The standard for Filipino living has been degraded down to the youth of the nation that we breed future citizens who don’t bother just the same.  This shows that our next generations has adulterated understandings of freedom and society and, therefore, we have less hopes for a better Filipino society in the future.  The education, therefore, of the young in proper understanding of freedom and society is very important.  Hence, this paper will present the right concept of freedom in relation to society.
 
Human Freedom
We have been using the term “person” most of the time specially to refer to ourselves or to other human beings which may be without understanding pretty well what it really means.  The term “person” is Etruscan which means “mask”.  The equivalent Greek translation for “person” is “hypostasis”.  But what is a “hypostasis”?  A “hypostasis” is a “supposit”; an intellective-volitive being—a being that is both free and intelligent.  The meaning of the term “person” therefore is a being that is both intelligent and free.  But what is intelligence (rationality) and free will (freedom)?
Free will Freedom has a wider concept than what it has been predicated to in human affairs may it be behavioral, societal, or political.  Freedom, in its strictest sense, is the ability to direct one’s actions.  The free agent—human person—can direct his/her actions to do this and to shun that in a manner that can even go beyond the dictates of normal biological processes.  We are not totally slaves to our physical attributes since we have the ability to suspend biological gratification if we want to.  If the body dictates that the bladder is full, the normal biological response is to urinate and relieve the body of a present tension.  The animal does so without thinking and without will.  They obey the dictates of their body as stated in the concept of “instinct”.  We do have the same system of instincts but we are capable of doing otherwise because of free will.  In the event that a student is in the middle of a very important lecture, the student can willfully suspend the release of tension which the wisdom of the body dictates as in the above example.  The body is governed by pain-pleasure morality where what is pleasurable is good while painful means bad.  Because of free will, human beings can choose what is mediately painful for an anticipated pleasure. 
 Rationality But human freedom cannot be without rationality since both are indispensable.  A being can’t be rational and not free for what good is there in a being who can learn and understand things if he/she can’t direct himself/herself to do these?  Nor is it possible for a being to be free and irrational since what is there to direct oneself into if one cannot even understand reality?  Such is the indispensability of both reason and will. Free will is based on rationality. In ancient and medieval philosophy, such human capacity has been relegated to the human soul for no biological aspect can be said to be the cause of the same.  Science, at present, is limited to a “behavioral” understanding of human reason and will, at least in so far as it can explain both empirically (i.e., in the process of evolution, the human species reached the period of development referred to as a quantum leap to the emergence of consciousness). 
Animal freedom  The young mind’s concept of freedom is animal base and very limited and wrong.  When asked if animals are free, the youth will most likely say yes for the reason that animals appear to be doing anything they want.  But do animals really know that what they are doing is their wants?  Is it even proper to use the term wants to animal behavior and activity?  First, they may not know what they are doing for they are acting out of their own nature or instinct (a certain degree of biological programming if I may say).  And second, what is natural can’t be said to be a want.  Only needs can be said to be biological; wants are biologically unnecessary.  If they are not even conscious of what they do since they act out of nature, and they cannot direct their actions which are merely biological dictations, then they are not rational and free.  This is, however, speaking of animals in human terms.  That means, any future research that can prove otherwise can negate the above argument.  The main point here, nevertheless, is that the idea that free will is doing anything one wants is wrong.  Why is that?  Because free will allows man to direct himself to many things that can be categorized only into two concepts: progression and regression.
Human development. Development is transcendence—a going beyond what one is just now.  Animals are at the mercy of their organism’s ability to adapt to the changing environment—subject to the slow evolutionary change.  The human species is comparatively young to other animals but for a very little time compared to animals, our species have changed the world—no longer a natural world but a cultural world; a world now defined in human terms.  Among the ranks of the animals, there is no such thing as development more than what biological evolution dictates.  Man’s development is a rebellion against what is given to the development of the given into the produced by human ingenuity (reason) and ability to direct actions (free will).  Responsible use of free will leads to progression while abuse of it—by directing oneself to things and activities that do not contribute to development—leads to regression.  Since the human species acquired development by proper use of free will, free will is not just doing anything one wants but the proper direction of actions that contributes to progression or development (Navarro, 2001).
           Human Society and Absolute Freedom
Granted that the evolutionary paradigm is the most probable cause to our origins, the concept of a human society is problematic in a sense that whence does it come?  If man is not naturally in a society, is not our concept of freedom above is also problematic in that it is very anthropological?  There are three social philosophies that I would like to discuss as an insight to what society is and how it must have started.
Thomas Hobbes.  Man leaves the state of nature and enters civil society into an agreement:
“I authorize and give up my right of governing myself, to this man, or to this assembly of men, on this condition, that thou give up thy right to him, and authorize all his actions in like manner”  (Hobbes, 1839).
Hobbes stated that in civil society each man gives their right to govern themselves to a man (monarch) or to an assembly of men (democracy).  Further, the monarch has an absolute power for power is indivisible.  The monarch/assembly of men no longer acts in behalf of the citizens who yielded their rights but embodies the will of all citizens.  Acting in one’s own behalf on the part of the monarch is against the virtue of civil society; resisting authority on the part of the governed is tantamount to resisting one’s will or reverting to the state of nature which is anarchy.
Jean Jacques Rousseau.  Rousseau did not inquire into the change of man from state of nature to members of civil society.  His inquiry starts from his statement: Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains”(Curtis, 1981).
In the state of nature man was happy for he possesses absolute independence.  Rousseau called this a natural sentiment (amour de soi) where each is inclined to watch over his own preservation and guided by reason develops humanity and virtue.  So in the beginning man was good rejecting original sin.  The beginning of sin and evil is in early social contacts when men desire to be better than others and develop instead an artificial sentiment (amour propre).  Here comes the conflict as population grew in number.  How can man reconcile his independence with the inevitable fact that they have to live together?  The solution is a form of association that protects the goods of each person and while uniting himself with all, he may still obey himself alone  (Smith, 1994.)
In some point in the past, a living contract was made between individuals as a solution to their dilemma—the Social contract.  Every political assembly starts with this living contract.  The people lose individual liberty and unlimited right to everything but what they gain is civil liberty and property right to what they possess. 
“Each of us puts his person and all his power in common under the supreme direction of the general will, and, in our corporate capacity, we receive each member as an indivisible part of a whole.”  Whoever refuses to obey the general will must be compelled to do so by the whole body—he will be forced to be free!(Curtis, 1981).
The general will is everybody’s will.  It is the recognition of the common good which they all seek to achieve.  Laws therefore are products of the general will.  Hence, a person who disobeys must be forced to be free.  However, the general will is different from will of all in the sense that it speaks of factions and different assemblies of men.  In a society, there must never be factions for it to have the general will  (Rousseau, 1947).
Since co-existence with other persons is inevitable and it is that which negates the exercise of individual liberty, the next best thing for us is civil liberty.  We may not have unlimited rights to everything in this sense but we acquired property rights to what we possess.  We can therefore speak of absolute freedom in two ways after the above discussion.  The first sense is no accountability or responsibility to anybody but to oneself which is the state of nature.  This state of nature is negated by the indispensability of co-existence.  In the context of human co-existence, we come up with a new sense of freedom—civil liberty.  But can we still speak of absolute freedom in this sense?  Rousseau offers that the only solution is while uniting ourselves to all we still obey ourselves alone as it is in the social contract.  Hence, we still have absolute independence in society only that it has a different sense compared to the state of nature. 
Justice as Fairness.John Rawls maintains that when we think of the social contract, we are trying to discern…  “… the principles that free and rational persons concerned to further their own interests would accept in an initial position of equality as defining the fundamental terms of their association” (Rawls, 1971).
These principles are those which will promote “Justice as Fairness”.  However, people don’t agree on what fairness means since we all have individual differences as regards present economic status, physical talents, abilities, and prowess, level of education, and the like.  Pause for some moments and think is our present legislators really write laws for the benefit of all… What do you think?
Rawls, therefore, suggests that we can only think of these principles if and only when we do so in a “hypothetical situation of equal liberty”.  The point is, in establishing principles for justice as fairness, our present status comes in the way and makes us decide on justice favorable only or insofar as our present status is concerned, making it therefore a relative view on fairness.  Rawls’ hypothetical situation of equal liberty means that in establishing principles of justice as fairness, we must do so as if we are of the same and equal specific situation.  This is what he called the Veil of Ignorance.  There is fairness where everyone is at the same position when the deliberations begin.  This is the Original Position where one can think of one’s self-interest without conflict.  In the original position, one’s desire to advance oneself will be tantamount to advancing others since everyone is in the same position.
This brings us to the connection between the theory of justice and rational choice.  While rational people will normally think of their self-interests, they will also accept the limits and constraints of existence and work for a middle ground in what he calls the reflective equilibrium.
Priority Points
  • Equal liberty is paramount for human dignity and human respect and should be sacrificed only when life itself is at stake.
  • The Difference Principle—since liberty will inevitably breed inequalities, these must ensure fairness in a way that unequal opportunity will enhance opportunity; one’s advantage will uplift the disadvantaged.  Therefore:
They must be to everyone’s advantage.
They must be attached to positions open to all.
  • On the Savings Principle, while it is important to save for future human generations, it should not take precedence over fair treatment for those who are living right now.
  • If the inequality is too great, the state should interfere to lessen the inequality by enforcing laws that will lessen the burden of the underprivileged.
“All social primary goods—liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the bases of self-respect—are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these good is to the advantage of the least favored” (Rawls, 1971).
           Conclusion
It is natural for a child to conceive freedom as in the state of nature.  But as one grows, one experiences the human society where, initially from the home, a child gets to learn painful lessons of civil liberty reinforced in another human institution we call the School.  The education of the young to be responsible members of human society therefore is one of the paramount responsibilities of the school. 
There is a big need to educate the young to a better understanding of freedom and society to make them more sensitive to the obvious misrule of our present Filipino society.  We have been silent for a long time for reasons that are too many to collate and understand empirically.  We need a new breed of voters who can decide well for themselves and for the future of the nation.  For it is not in the form of society where our development rests but in the kind of people.  It is in this sense that I may be said to agree with Adolf Hitler when he wrote:
"No matter how much the soil, for instance, is able to influence the people, the result will always be a different one, according to the races under consideration. The scanty fertility of a living space may instigate one race towards the highest achievements, while with another race this may only become the cause for the most dire poverty and ultimate malnutrition with all its consequences." (Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, 1939).
 
References:
Curtis, Michael, The Great Political Theories, Vol 1: The New expanded Edition.Avon Books, New York, 1981.
_____________, The Great Political Theories, Vol 2: The New expanded Edition.Avon Books, New York, 1981.
Hitler, Adolf.  Mein Kampf.  New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1939.
Hobbes, Thomas, The Leviathan, Vol. 3.  Sir William Molesworth, ed.  London: John Bohn, 1839.
Navarro, Rosita L., Ph.D., Lucido, Jose R., M.A., An Introduction to the Study of Social Philosophy.  Katha Publishing Co., Inc., 2001.
Rawls, John.  A Theory of Justice.  Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971.
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques.The Social Contract, Charles Frankel, trans.  New York: Hafner Publishing Co., 1947.
 
Smith, Elizabeth, Blocker, H. Gene.  Applied Social and Political Philosophy.  Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1994.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

Thursday, February 13, 2014

“The nature of man/woman according to Thomas Hobbes


           ALELI AGUSTIN PAGTAMA, MAEd

   Divine Word College of Laoag

Graduate School

Laoag City

Abstract

One of the essential issues confronting political organization, educational and professional stratum is the issue of human nature.  One of the said issues is the ideology of Thomas Hobbes on human nature and his attempts to identify the conditions for social order.

Deploying a critical analysis method, the paper identifies the strengths and flaws of his ideologies. Some of his ideas are believable; yet, I decided not to agree with his proposition of existence of the Monarchy-a system of government. The paper further provides arguments contrary to Hobbes’ pessimism by explaining John Locke’s optimism towards human nature.  Consequently, the paper highlights the imperatives of social order in a manner that accommodates the complexity of human nature.

Key Words
            Human Nature, Monarchy, Ideology
Introduction
There are issues that confront educators and other professionals teaching various disciplines on human nature particularly those teaching political, social and behavioral sciences. As LeBuffe (2002) explains, philosophy of human nature requires to be understood in terms of laws, and that human action is comprehended in terms of universal determinism. The principles of human nature proposed by Hobbes is presented in his books entitled “The Leviathan”.  His views along human nature and how state can control humans are presented.  The ideas of Hobbes clearly provide a picture of humans as rational machines governed by passions combined with reason. Through reasoning, humans search happiness, power, status and recognition. The state of nature in Hobbes views shows that when beings compete of the same objects they become enemies and try to kill each other; hence, he believes that the political institutions of the state should take the form of an absolute sovereign.
Educators believed that the field of evidence is no other than the field of knowledge.  This only means that there is a neccesity for philosophical analysis on the doctrines of various philosophers.  Since philosophy is the science of wisdom, it provides either factual or conceptual knowledge.  The ideologies/philosophies of Thomas Hobbes then needs for a critical analysis to provide in-depth explanations whether to accept or refute his doctrines.
Ideally, our conception of what constitutes human nature and by extension the human person’s place and role in the society has serious implications for social order. Thus in the political realm, we have the anarchists, who see man as a rational being whose nature is incompatible with the oppression that society has imposed on it under the guise of government, Oyeken (2010). The human person is a free being capable of living peaceably with fellow human beings of equal natural disposition, wants and drives, Adams (1993) as cited by Oyeken (2010).
On the other hand, Karl Marx (1990) as cited by Oyeken (2010) has an economic view of human nature. For him, capitalism is the cause of all human woe; deriving legitimacy from the present organization of society in such a way that the economic elite’s control of power and resources ensures it has its way. He envisages an uprising of the masses whose revolt will put economic and political control into the hands of the masses in preparation for a transition to a stateless society.
This paper examines the positions of Thomas Hobbes on human nature and their implications for social order. This investigation aims to bring to the fore the gaps between Hobbes’ assumptions and to the reality of human nature nowadays.  It also aims to synthesis by proving of refuting Hobbes’ description of human nature and further analyzes its implications for a well-ordered society. At latter part of the analysis, it presents my arguments basing it on the present state of nature of man and on the leading ideas of various political exponents.
 
The life of Thomas Hobbes
Thomas Hobbes (1588 – 1679) is an English political philosopher.  He is widely held as the “father of political science.” According to Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Thomas Hobbes was born on the 5th day of April 1588. His home town was Malmesbury, in Wiltshire, England.  His mother is very little known while his father is a disreputable local clergyman. Hobbes left Malmesbury in order to study at Magdalen Hall, Oxford. His study there was supported by his uncle, Francis Hobbes, who was a Glover.
Hobbes left Oxford in 1608, and became the private tutor for the eldest son of Lord Cavendish of Hardwick (later known as the Earl of Devonshire). He traveled with his pupil in 1610 to France, Italy, and Germany. He then went to London to continue his studies, where he met other leading scholars like Francis Bacon, Herbert of Cherbury, and Ben Johnson.
The death of Cavendish son led Hobbes to find another pupil. In 1629, he left for the continent again for a two year journey with his new student. When he returned in 1631 he began to tutor the younger Cavendish son.
From 1634 to 1637, Hobbes returned to the continent with the young Earl of Devonshire. In Paris, he spent time with Mersenne and the scientific community that included Descartes and Gassendi. In Florence, he conversed with Galileo. When he returned to England he wrote Elements of law Natural and Politic, which outlined his new theory. The first thirteen chapters of this work were published in 1650 under the title Human Nature, and the rest of the work as a separate volume entitled De Corpore Politico. In 1640, he went to France to escape the civil war brewing in England. He would stay in France for the next eleven years, taking an appointment to teach mathematics to Charles, Prince of Wales, who came to Paris in 1646.
Hobbes died on 4 December 1679 at Hardwick Hall, one of the homes of the Cavendish family, with whom he was still associated after seventy years.
 
Hobbes’s view of human nature
First and foremost Hobbes believes that human nature is a “general inclination of all mankind, a perpetual and restless desire of power after power, that ceaseth only in death”.  According to Hobbes as cited by Meyer (2011) human beings are programmed, mechanical objects to pursue self-interested ends, without regard for anything other than the avoidance of pain and the incentive of pleasure. What motivates human beings, thinks Hobbes, is self-interest. Human judgment is distorted by self-interest and can be easily swayed with rhetoric that is often neither directed toward the public good or the individual's good.
 
The above-stated belief simply means human nature is an inherent desire for greater powers.  The desire is to dominate and to conquer, control and subject others under his wings. Such desires are not limited to power, position but also to own or control resources This supports on the belief that humans have boundless and aggressive attempt for the acquisition of abundant resources.  Hobbes argues that the unending yearn for resources and power is not basically rooted in the expectation for more concentrated joys and more prosperity than one has already achieved, but that “one cannot guarantee the power and means to live well, which he have at present, without the acquisition of more” Kope (2009). 
Secondly, Hobbes describes humans in the state of nature as being in “a condition of war of every man against every man”. Hobbes explains that “the continuous pursuit for power and resources is not a manifestation of innate greed, there are some that taking desire in envisioning their own power in the acts of conquest, which they chase afar than their security requires; if others, that otherwise would be glad to be at ease within modest bounds, should not by invasion increase their power, they would not be able, long time, by standing only on their defence, to survive” .  In this view, Hobbes suggests that even if one were to be content with his/her wealth and power; surely there would be another who would not be content with his/her own. Such that, one must constantly remain on the offensive to ensure that one will not overrun by the attacks of others, who for the same reason also cannot sit happily idle. Consequently, acting for his/her own preservation, everyone in the state of nature attacks one another, and thereby produce the “condition of war of every man against every man".
On this doctrine of Hobbes, the state of nature is viewed as constant war and continual fear, in which life is “solitary, poor, nasty, cruel, and short” due to the war of all against all, as caused by the constant struggle for resources.
The state of nature derived from Hobbes’ view of human nature proves the condition of war of every man against every man.  He assumes that without strength, and centralized authority, human beings will perpetually be at war with each other where “every man is enemy to every man.” In this premise, there is what he call natural laws. The first of these laws is the first law of nature “by which a man is forbidden to do that, which is harsh of his life, or taketh away the means of preserving the same”. This law, which states that a person will use any means in his/her power to preserve his/her life, is derived from the right of nature, which allows one “to use his own power, preserve himself, preserve his own nature, and his own life”. From this first law of nature, and given that each person is in a condition of war of everyone against everyone, Hobbes suggests that “every man, ought to endeavor peace, as far as he has hope of obtaining it”.
This suggestion gives the second law of nature, “that a man be willing, when others are so too, as farforth, as for peace, and defence of himself he shall think it necessary, to lay down this right to all things; and be contented with so much liberty against other men, as he would allow other men against himself”. This law of nature allows for the possibility of a peaceful status, where people in exchange give up their never-ending search for “power after power”. Because this peaceful status is contrary to human nature, the Hobbes’ civil society consists of the introduction of an artificial force, or sovereign, to ensure compliance to this status, and thereby provide “a more contented life”.
Anent to this, Hobbes believes an outside force is necessary to bring men out of the state of nature and into the civil society because the laws of nature (justice, modesty, and mercy) of themselves, without the terror of some power, to cause them to be observed, are contrary to our natural passions, that carry us to partiality, pride, revenge, and the like.   
Significantly, Hobbes believes that people are driven by irresistible passions; however, the war of all against all results into undesirable and unpleasant situation. People realize and wish to escape from the unwanted state of nature; however, the relentless attention and violent required to preserve one’s life in the presence of unjust others.
Therefore, Hobbes suggests that the only way to be free from the continual state of war is to create a civil society through a sovereign power that can terrorize everyone into complying with what is actually beneficial arrangement. The civil society can be founded on a collected power, or sovereign, which ensures a peaceful status by its ability to punish those who would disturb the peace. As Hobbes states, everyone “shall authorize all the actions and judgments, of that man, or assembly of men, (the sovereign) in the same manner, as if they were his own, to the end, to live peaceably amongst themselves, and be protected against other men”.
To ensure peace, the mechanism by the sovereign can be the addition of disincentives (except killing/wounding/maiming) to control the appeal of seeking more property or harming others. This power of the sovereign to disincentivize war, in Hobbes’ view, can include punishments for crimes. In its truest essence, Hobbes’ sovereign is limited in its power to punish misbehaviors and ensure peace only by its obligation not to harm its citizens.
 
   The Relevance of Hobbes Theory of Human nature.
The question here is about the relevancy of this theory to the present human nature.
What is the relevance of the philosophy of Hobbes at the present human nature?  Is there any difference between what Hobbes describes as human nature and the reality that we see in the life of man nowadays? Do you have any argument to contradict Hobbes view?  If you have, then present it, but support it with the opinion of certain authority or author.
I believed that the ideologies of Hobbes have relevance nowadays and it has no difference with the reality that we can see on the life of man especially in the Philippines.  The different social issues confronting the society requires each and everyone to revisit the doctrines and philosophies of Hobbes which can be of great help among educators like us to rekindle the moral values of our future leaders-the students. In return, the moral values imbibe in future generations can help us shape better society.    
On the point of view of Hobbes, it is worth mentioning his philosophies on human nature as presented in this paper are exactly proven and I agree on it.  To support this position, it requires analysis to explain the criteria by which I will judge the credibility of his views. To believe something credible is founded on valid reasons; a proper sign of whether something is reasonable, therefore, it is obviously revealed in reality. To argue my position that the proposed views of Hobbes of human nature is believable, I will present an analysis of his views relating to moral standard, necessity to civil society, and political paradigm and these views manifested in the present days.
Similarly, I also presented in this paper some argumentative views evident to the exposition of reliable philosophers and a presentation of evaluation of the arguments.
Based on views of human nature proposed by Hobbes and their implications for people in the state of nature and in a civil society, I believed that his views offer a more reasonable account of human nature. His views have an implications on the inherent moral standard for human life. The Hobbesian ideology of human nature proposes that human behavior is driven by “a perpetual and restless desire of power after power”. According to him, humans are motivated to perform in life through an intrinsic desire for more power, abundant resources, and status.  In the pursuit of this aim, there is no corresponding checks and balances on moral obligation. This pessimistic view of Hobbes is manifested in the present time of the Philippines. Many Filipinos like politicians, showbiz personalities and other elitist aim high and work harder to obtain more wealth by all means (whether in a legal or illegal act) to sustain their survival,  influence and power.  Position is not for service but merely for personal gain which is power. For instance, some Filipino showbis personalities run for public office to gain power and the Philippine government is ruled through political dynasty.  This proves alone on the view of Hobbes on human nature.  These officials are driven by themselves to acquire more wealth, power and status.   While there are some of them whose survival is already guaranteed, yet will exploit others for the sake of living better.
Similarly, Mansour (2006) agreed on the belief of Hobbes that the “state of nature people is free, rational, and knowledgeable.” He cited human acts such include acts of will. Acts of will are deliberative acts, which aim at maximizing our personal gain, therefore people in the state of nature are self-interested. Because we all are self-interested in our personal gains, and because we all desire and aspire similar thing that are limited in the society, the state of nature will be very competitive. Because of the competition, each person poses a threat to the other. That is, one’s security is someone else’s elimination. That is why the state of nature is a “state of war of all against all”.
On the other hand, the views of Hobbes on human nature have specific implications for the necessity of corresponding civil society. The state of nature proposed by Hobbes is a “state of war where life is short and brutal”.  His belief implies that the existence of a civil society is very important. The sovereign is required to use whatever measures necessary except harming its members so that it can prevent the state of nature.  The need for the influence of a civil society can be seen in the cases of riots/lawlessness/revolution that follow natural disasters, when existing law-enforcement agencies are incapacitated.
According to Mansour (2006), Hobbes ideology implies the need for an absolute rule like the rules of Monarchy and Dictatorship to ensure safety of the system. He believes on the necessity of absolute rule because of the natural human hunger for power which threatens the safety of the contract.  Hobbes concludes that there must be some common power to force people to uphold the contract. This sovereign would be established by the people as part of the contract, endowed with the individual powers and wills of all, and authorized to punish anyone who breaks the covenant. The sovereign operates through fear; the threat of punishment reinforces the mandates of the laws of nature, thus ensuring the continued operation of the social contractsigned between the people.
We can infer that the belief of Hobbes suggest prisoner dilemma.  In my point of view, this suggestion of Hobbes is significant in today’s Philippine situation.  The multifarious issues in the Philippine Bureaucratic System prove that humans are rationally self-interested. The value of self-interest leads irrational unwanted outcomes. Therefore the necessity for punishment of the offenders of social orders is highly suggested. 
The political atmosphere of the civil society proposed by Hobbes is that the sovereign has an unlimited power to control the lives of its citizens (provided it does them no harm) in order to maintain peace and avoid re-entering the war of all against all as in the state of nature. I believed on what Meyer (2011) has cited “society is impossible without the coercive power of a state”. This proves alone that the sovereign cannot negate itself to harm its members. Hence, the organized society will be ruled by continuous fear. 
This view is exemplified before during the dictatorial government under the Marcos Administration that have very close control over the lives of the Filipinos through the Martial Law.
 
A Critical Look on Hobbes’ Views
I found out of a wonderful contrast to George Orwell’s philosophy as cited by Storgaard (2013) which I also agree, where he proposes the opposite that humans will perpetually be at war because of strong centralized authorities. He added that revolution is an answer to sovereign tyranny. It is highly emphasized according to him that anarchist is not against organization; however, they are against organization based on authority like the Sovereign State. Contrary to Hobbes, John Locke as cited by Mansour (2006) also justifies revolution against the government, only if it fails to preserve the liberties of its citizens. 
Tracing back the history of the Philippines, when President Marcos declared martial law (the rule of dictatorship as aimed by Hobbes provided that no harm shall be made) generally the People Power Revolution succeeded.  It resulted into abuse of authority by the sovereign people and ended into disorder. Truly, there is a necessity for a sovereign to control the humans and people in the state of nature who may not be rational; nevertheless, the resilient centralized authorities can cause upheavals.  
In this point, the necessity for a sovereign on my point of view is adjudged provided that the sovereign State shall respect the rights of the citizens who in no case shall violate the human rights.   
 
Conclusion
Following an exposition of the logical extensions of views of human nature, I have argued that the views of Hobbes is reasonable, based on the physical manifestation of several implications. His views have implications thereof, have all been shown to be manifested in reality and therefore are (based on arguments above) equally believable.
Truly, I would say that Hobbes gives a best account to the state of nature where he describes a scenario of how the State of Nature would be like, a state of war of all against all. Yes, we can be moral; however, we still disobey on someone else’s rights in an intentional way or not. There are instances that what we believe is good can harm other being.
As a citizen of a democratic country, I do not agree with Hobbes state- the Monarchy despite his good arguments. He only looks for a government that will preserve and uphold the contract and that is Monarchy. The absolute monarchy as described by Wikipedia Organization (2013) is known to be a government of the monarch being the source of power in the state.  The monarch is not legally bound by any constitution and has the powers to regulate his or her respective government.  In this tendency, the sovereign can lead to abuse its power.
 
 
 
 
References:
Kope, Andrew.  2009.  Human Nature: Hobbes and Locke.  Accessed on November 11, 2013.  Available at http://publish.uwo.ca/~akope2/papers/philosophy/AKope_Hobbesand
Locke.pdf
LeBuffe, Michael. 2002. “Paul-Henri (Baron) d'Holbach”.Accessed on November 14, 2013.  Available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/holbach
Mansour, Hossam. 2006.  Locke’s And Hobbes’ States of Nature.  Accessed on November 13, 2013.  Available at http://www.ahl-alquran.com/English/show_article.php?main_id=118
Meyer, Brock.  2011.  Concepts of Human Nature at the Heart of Political Philosophy.Accessed on November 13, 2013.  Available at http://voices.yahoo.com/human-nature-john-locke-thomas-hobbes-8084874.html
 
Oyekan, Adeolu Oluwaseyi.  (2010). Human Nature and Social Order: A Comparative Critique ofHobbes and Locke.  Thought and Practice: A Journal of the Philosophical Association of Kenya (PAK)New Series, Vol.2 No.1.  Accessed on November 13, 2013.  Available at https://www.google.com.ph/search?/complete/search?client=serp&hl=fil&gs_rn=31&gs_ri=serp&pq=Human%20Nature%20and%20Social%20Order%3A%20A%20Comparative%20Critique%20of%20Hobbes%20and%20Locke&cp=180&gs_id=8&xhr=t&q=Human%20Nature%20and%20Social%20Order%3A%20A%20Comparative%20Critique%20of%20Hobbes%20and%20Locke.%20%20Thought%20and%20Practice%3A%20A%20Journal%20of%20the%20Philosophical%20Association%20of%20Kenya%20(PAK)%20New%20Series%2C%20Vol.2%20No.1.%20&ech=2&psi=fqeEUovWD8bpiAfX6oDABg.1384426376217.3&emsg=NCSR&noj=1&ei=kKuEUovQI8LZigfFx4DwBA
 
Storgaard, Claus B. 2013.  Essays: George Orwell, Socialist, Anarchist or what...?Accessed on November 13, 2013.  Available at http://www.k-1.com/Orwell/site/opinion/essays/storgaa
rd1.html
 
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.  2013.  Thomas Hobbes. Accessed November 10, 2013.  Available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/hobbes/
The European Graduate School.Thomas Hobbes – Biography.  Access on November 11, 2013.  Available at http://www.egs.edu/library/thomas-hobbes/biography/
Wikipedia Organization.  2013.  Constitutional monarchy.Accessed on November 13, 2013.  Available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitutional_monarchy
Wikipedia, Organization.  Thomas Hobbes.Accessed on November 11, 2013.  Available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas Hobbes
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

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