Friday, January 25, 2019

IMPROVING PUBLIC TRUST THROUGH GOOD GOVERNANCE


JOHN MARK T. MARUQUIN
Student, Ph.D. Major in Development Management
Divine Word College of Laoag, Ilocos Norte Philippines

Abstract
This paper argues that public trust is often mistrusted on the unscrupulous performance of public services and in political negotiation well-functioning public services are said to create trust in government. This is a very sensible reasoning, only part of which corresponds to reality. The relation between governance or government performance and trust can only be made when very specific circumstances are present. It is obvious that performance of the public organization has a certain impact on trust in government, but existing levels of trust in government may also have an impact on perceptions of government performance.
Keywords: Good governance, public trust, government, performance
Introduction
“Public office is a public trust”. Public officers and employees must, at all times, be accountable to the people, serve them with utmost responsibility, integrity, loyalty, and efficiency; act with patriotism and justice, and lead modest lives (The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Article XI, Section 1). Public trust is considered as one of the most significant aspects in the implementation of government strategies for any country. In order for citizens to trust their government, the latter must achieve its ambitious targets to develop and provide the efficient quality of public services.
According to Avelino P. Tendero (2008) that public officers and employees of government are therefore accountable for what they do; they are enjoined to serve the people with utmost patriotism and justice and lead modest lives. From the foregoing paraphrase of the constitutional provision, those employees in the government are to conduct themselves in accordance with certain normative prescriptions and ethical standards. In a democratic policy, management of public affairs should be in accordance with the provisions of law. It is these rules of law that define the area of administrative performance. These rules are value norms, which government employees must live up to.
Public trust is perceived at interpersonal and organizational levels in which fairness, confidence, risk taking and expectations are considered its main constructs (Colesca, 2009). Public trust in public sector is essential for the functioning of government especially that it has become increasingly associated with governance. Public administration has examined trust as a basic ingredient of social capital in that it helps create networks between people in a community and helps to make these networks function smoothly (Walker et al., 2008).
Governments are always in need to respond the demands of citizens to improve the efficiency and boost the effectiveness of their public services (Siddiquee, 2008). Lot of studies has been conducted in terms of different dimensions of good governance. For instance, Egwuonwu (2011) focused on the behavioral aspects of governance that consists of accountability, justice, transparency, genuine disclosures, integrity and high performance. Others discussed good governance in terms of equity, efficiency, sustainability, transparency, accountability and security (Khan, 2013, Kefela, 2011).
A. Efficiency. In the importance of good governance, it is saving and protecting the environment by manageable use of the natural resources (UNESCAP, 2012).
B. Transparency. Transparency is the process of making decision and it is properly implemented through the regulations and rules (UNESCAP, 2012). In other words, it is the disclosure of any related information to the interested stakeholder on timely manner (Salin & Abidin, 2011).
C. Accountability. Accountability is considered as a key prerequisite of good governance for both public and private institutions (UNESCAP, 2012). Accordingly, Khan (2013) described accountability as an open government that supports good level of social and political objectives of authority, sharing, respecting the rights and empowering the equity. Thus, governments must find a balance between the requirements of accountability to the society and those of state governments (Kluvers, 2010).
Many public sector reforms have been motivated by a belief that the public trust in public services is low, and declining. Where statistics are available, though, there is little evidence of such declining trust (Van de Walle, Van Roosbroek, & Bouckaert, 2008). Furthermore, there is a wide variety within the public sector, with some services being trusted a lot (especially those in the health sector, and emergency services).Still, trust in more generic public sector categories such as “the public sector”, “civil servants” or ‘bureaucrats’ tends to be quite low when compared to other institutions. Bureaucracies tend to feature in the bottom half of ‘most trusted institutions’ rankings, yet generally well above institutions such a politicians or the press.
Do citizens trust Public Officials?
In public administration we have observed a sharp increase in attention for the public perception of government and trust more in particular, to more sophisticated multi-country analyses of trust, looking at country-level explanations for differences in trust. In this trust relation between citizens and government, it has often been assumed that outputs matter and that distrust results from low government performance. Research has however shown that the process by which services are being delivered, or the process by which policies are being implemented is at least as important. Trust is thus at least as much influenced by procedural justice as it is by outputs (Van Ryzin, 2011).
Do Public Officials trust citizens?
Things work more smoothly, it has been argued, when citizens trust their government and each other. This reduces transaction costs because there are fewer instances where trustworthiness has to be checked prior to the transaction. But what about the attitudes and opinions at the other end of the relationship: government itself? Do administrators actually trust citizens enough to involve them and to drop their suspicion? While citizens’ trust has received a lot of attention, the opposite relation has received only marginal attention (Wu, J.and Yang, Y. (2011). Expressions of such distrust are visible in officials’ unwillingness to involve citizens in decision-making, in their unwillingness to take their views seriously or in an overall relatively skeptical attitude toward citizens. The reason for such distrust can be multifaceted, ranging from negative prior experience, over a belief that citizens aren’t sufficiently knowledgeable to play a role, to a conviction that citizens have profound negative intentions when interacting with government. Official’s distrust in citizens may evoke a reciprocal reaction, leading to a mutually reinforcing dynamic. Mutual distrust has become well documented in studies of street-level bureaucracy, and especially studies focusing on interactions between welfare officials and welfare clients, where officials suspect all claimants of cheating, and where clients perceive officials not to be there to help them, but to punish them for their dependent situation. 
Trust in citizens has become very relevant in an age when governments want to reduce red tape and control- and inspection-related burdens. This has lead to innovations such as labeling or self-regulation, where companies are for instance granted exemption from regular inspections after they have proven to comply for a number of consecutive years. Systems such as sectoral self-regulation or horizontal inspection require a great deal of trust in citizens’ and companies willingness to follow the law. Replacing extensive control systems by trust-based arrangements requires a total change in officials’ thinking and may prove to be very hard when officials continue to be faced with attempts at cheating.
Public sector actors, suspicious about each other’s motives, and a political discourse fuelling citizen distrust in government culminated in the introduction of series of public sector innovations all directed at strengthening control and command systems within the public sector (Van de Walle, 2010). This strengthening happened mainly through a widespread introduction of contract-type arrangements, and through an expansion of the use of (performance) information. Contracts were introduced to regulate relationships between ministers and top officials; between ministries and agencies; between government bodies and external contractors; and between public employers and employees. Both sides of the principal-agent relationship were thought to have antagonistic interests, and contracts were a way of canalizing mutual distrust and of inserting control into the system. Performance information helped actors in the system to control others, and to call them to account.
The most important question dealt with in this paper will be: Do citizenries have a negative opinion of government because its services do not work properly, or do citizens evaluate government administrations and their performance in a negative way, because their image of government in general is a negative one?
Trust in government may be based on experiences over a long period of time, on the current situation or on expectations of the government in future the level of trust inspired by the current government, the more likely it is that a person will express specific support and trust, while long-term experience points more in the direction of diffuse support and trust.
The broad performance perspective presupposes that certain modern public reforms imply better quality of public services and hence high levels of public satisfaction and trust in government. Such an assumption of course throws up many questions, which can be debated and elaborated, both theoretically and empirically: some reform measures will affect some public services, others will not, and service quality improvements may have other origins than reforms. Quality improvements for some people may imply disadvantages for others, and quality improvements may in any case be primarily connected to political symbols and hype. People may react to purely symbolic quality improvements, while real quality improvements may be seen by some as of little significance compared with other aspects of a service, either because access to a service is limited or simply because of a lack of responsiveness. A further possibility is that people have other reasons for trusting government than satisfaction with public services. 

Conclusion
It seems upright and heroic public servants have die or get up in politics for press and public to pay attention to them. That can hardly to encourage excellence in government nor would it inspire others to emulate good work or the youth to aspire for careers in honest and competent public service. People wants to see more responsiveness, integrity, competence, efficiency, compassion and other hallmark of exemplary public service, to bring the wider public attention especially among students pondering their future.
People may be satisfied with the existence of a particular service or the availability of certain services that meet their needs. At the same time, they may also be satisfied with information concerning services, the accessibility and friendliness of the service providers they meet, the competence of service personnel, the fairness, effectiveness and efficiency of the services, or other factors.
If one presupposes that satisfaction with government services is trust enhancing, implying that the consumer role is important and performance is of significance for trust, one can ask whether people will react equally to all public services. One essential variable could be how universal the services are, meaning how many people they potentially cover. Public services range from those that are collective or universal, like education in most countries, which is potentially consumed by everyone, to those that are more selective and individual and target more specific groups of clients. One expectation might be that the more controlling, selective and individualized a service, the more dissatisfied the user is likely to be.
Increasing government authority by modernizing public services is therefore just a partial strategy, since actual performance is not equal to perceived performance and because differences might exist in citizens’ minds on the definition and necessity of public service performance. A one-sided focus on performance will not be sufficient, since perceptions and definitions of performance are not only created in government- citizen interactions, but also in everyday citizen-citizen relations. Restoring trust in government cannot just be based on a managerial action-plan but requires social engineering as well. The core question should therefore be how government can alter these perceptions and evaluation criteria in a way that is acceptable in a democratic society.
Public trusts have both institutional and personal aspects. People may trust both the system as such and individual actors they encounter or observe. This may include both central political leaders and actors in the administration and public service sector. Another possible combination is trust in the political-democratic system as such but distrust in current leaders or other political actors. This distrust may be based both on myths or symbols, for example distrust fashions furthered by the mass media, or else on first-hand negative experiences with government representatives. People may trust certain political and administrative leaders because of their achievements or personal charisma but not the institutional features of the political-administrative system. If we relate these basics to the distinction between diffuse and specific support, it is probable that individual elements of public trust or trust will be more related to specific support while institutional elements are linked to diffuse support.  
References:

a.   Books
Tendero, Avelino P. Theory and Practice of Public Administration in the Philippines, 2008

The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Article XI, Section 1

b. Electronic Publications
Colesca, S. (2009). Understanding Trust in E-government. Inzinerine Ekonomika-Engineering Economics, (3), ISSN 1392 – 2785.
Egwuonwu, R. (2011). Behavioral Governance, Accounting and Corporate Governance Quality. Journal of Economics and International Finance.
Khan, M. (2013). E-government, GIS and Good Governance. Public Management
Kluvers, R. (2010). Mechanisms of Accountability in Local Government: An Exploratory Study. International Journal of Business and Management,
Retrieved from http://hub.hku.hk/handle

Salin, A., & Abidin, Z. (2011). Being Transparent: An Evidence of a Local Authority in Malaysia. In Proceeding of International Conference on Sociality and Economics Development, 10, Singapore: Press. Retrieved from http://www.ipedr.com

Siddiquee, N. (2008). Service Delivery Innovations and Governance: The Malaysian Experience. Transforming Government People, Process and Policy, 2(3), 194-213.
UNESCAP. (2012). What is good governance? United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific.
Retrieved October 3, 2013 from www.uniscap.org/huest/gg/governance.htm

Van de Walle, S., Van Roosbroek, S., & Bouckaert, G. (2008). Trust in the public sector: Is there any evidence for a long-term decline? International Review of Administrative Sciences.

Van Ryzin, G. G. (2011). Outcomes, Process, and Trust of Civil Servants. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory,

Walker M., et al. (2008). Trust in Government and Its Changing Dimensions: An Exploration of Environmental Policy in Hongkong. Asian Forum on Public Management, National Chi-Nan University: Taiwan. Retrieved from http://hub.hku.hk/handle/10722/63655
Wu, J. and Yang, Y. (2011) Public servants’ trust in citizen raters really matter, International Public Management Review.

  


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